The Alignment governments headed by Levi Eshkol, Golda Meir and Yitzhak Rabin were the first to establish settlements, attempting to use them to fix Israel’s borders. Even though these governments also bowed somewhat to the demands of settler leaders Hanan Porat and Moshe Levinger “to wrest the land from its [Palestinian] residents,” as a rule they promised that the settlements would be built only around Jerusalem and the Jordan Valley, described as security regions according to a plan drawn up by Yigal Allon. Compared with those predecessors, the Netanyahu government lacks a policy determining where it is permitted to build and where not. The scope of construction in isolated settlements is larger than in the blocs which the government plans to preserve in a final-status agreement.
“Laundering” the outposts and building neighborhoods in East Jerusalem allow the foreign officials and the Palestinians the right to doubt the honesty of the government’s intentions.
Very basic info.
Governments through the 1980s maintained a settler enterprise having only tens of thousands of people, the vast majority working in agriculture or industry; this government maintains some 350,000 Israelis in Judea and Samaria and another 200,000 or so in East Jerusalem. Many of them - the ultra-Orthodox, new immigrants and low-income citizens - rely on government benefits and, like all settlers, enjoy far more per capita support for education, health and welfare than do Israelis inside the Green Line.
The huge budgets required for settlements alongside a nonexistent welfare policy inside Israel is becoming clearer to leaders of the social protest movement demanding a new sharing-out of sacrifices and resources. Members of Netanyahu’s cabinet toed the line so long as they wanted to preserve the coalition.
But the scent of elections, along with the effect it’s having on the state’s commitment to the High Court of Justice to evacuate three outposts, has suddenly revealed the cabinet members’ positions. It demonstrates that Netanyahu’s speech at Bar-Ilan University [“two states for two peoples”] did not speak for them.
Yeah but - I need to see the numbers. It’s at the level of there are ways to manage somehow - or otherwise - thus fury and anger ‘inside Israel’ (against settlement enterprise) could really reach the critical point -
That requires really checking numbers.